If Materialism
Is True, the United States Is Probably Conscious
Eric Schwitzgebel
Department of Philosophy
University of California at Riverside
Riverside, CA
92521
eschwitz at domain: ucr.edu
July 21, 2014
If
Materialism Is True, the United States Is Probably Conscious
Abstract:
If
you’re a materialist, you probably think that rabbits are conscious. And you ought to think that. After all, rabbits are a lot like us,
biologically and neurophysiologically.
If you’re a materialist, you probably also think that conscious
experience would be present in a wide range of naturally-evolved alien beings
behaviorally very similar to us even if they are physiologically very
different. And you ought to think
that. After all, to deny it seems
insupportable Earthly chauvinism. But a
materialist who accepts consciousness in weirdly formed aliens ought also to
accept consciousness in spatially distributed group entities. If she then also accepts rabbit
consciousness, she ought to accept the possibility of consciousness even in
rather dumb group entities. Finally, the
United States would seem to be a rather dumb group entity of the relevant
sort. If we set aside our morphological
prejudices against spatially distributed group entities, we can see that the
United States has all the types of properties that materialists tend to regard
as characteristic of conscious beings.
Keywords:
metaphysics, consciousness, phenomenology, group mind, superorganism,
collective consciousness, metaphilosophy
If Materialism
Is True, the United States Is Probably Conscious[1]
If
materialism is true, the reason you
have a stream of conscious experience – the reason there’s something it’s like
to be you while there’s (presumably!) nothing it’s like to be a toy robot or a
bowl of chicken soup, the reason you possess what Anglophone philosophers call phenomenology – is that the material
stuff out of which you are made is organized the right way. You might find materialism attractive if you
reject the thought that people are animated by immaterial spirits or possess
immaterial properties.[2]
Here’s another thought you might reject:
The United States is literally, like you, phenomenally conscious. That is, the United States, conceived of as a
spatially distributed, concrete entity with people as some or all of its parts,
literally possesses a stream of conscious experience over and above the
experiences of its members considered individually. In this essay, I will argue that accepting
the materialist idea that you probably like (if you’re a typical early
21st-century philosopher) should lead you to accept some group consciousness
ideas you probably don’t like (if you’re a typical early 21st-century
philosopher) – unless you choose, instead, to accept some other ideas you
probably ought to like even less.
The argument in brief is this. If you’re a materialist, you probably think
that rabbits have conscious experience.
And you ought to think that.
After all, rabbits are a lot like us, biologically and
neurophysiologically. If you’re a
materialist, you probably also think that conscious experience would be present
in a wide range of naturally-evolved alien beings behaviorally very similar to
us even if they are physiologically very different. And you ought to think that. After all, to deny it seems insupportable
Earthly chauvinism. But, I will argue, a
materialist who accepts consciousness in weirdly formed aliens ought also to
accept consciousness in spatially distributed group entities. If she then also accepts rabbit
consciousness, she ought to accept the possibility of consciousness even in rather
dumb group entities. Finally, the United
States would seem to be a rather dumb group entity of the relevant sort. (Or maybe, even, it’s rather smart, but
that’s more than I need for my argument.)
If we set aside our morphological prejudices against spatially
distributed group entities, we can see that the United States has all the types
of properties that materialists tend to regard as characteristic of conscious
beings.
Of course it’s utterly bizarre to
suppose that the United States is literally phenomenally conscious.[3] But how good an objection is that? Cosmology is bizarre. Microphysics is bizarre. Higher mathematics is bizarre. The more we discover about the fundamentals
of the world, the weirder things seem to become. Should metaphysics be so different? Our sense of strangeness is no rigorous index
of reality.[4]
My claim is conditional and gappy. If
materialism is true, probably the
United States is conscious.
Alternatively, if materialism is true, the most natural thing to conclude is that the United States is
conscious.
1. Sirian Supersquids, Antarean Antheads,
and Your Own Horrible Contiguism.
We are deeply prejudiced beings. Whites are prejudiced against blacks;
Gentiles against Jews; overestimators against underestimators.[5] Even when we intellectually reject such
prejudices, they permeate our behavior and our implicit assumptions.[6] If we ever meet interplanetary travelers
similar to us in overall intelligence and moral character, we will likely be
prejudiced against them too, especially if they look weird.
It’s hard to imagine a prejudice more
deeply ingrained than our prejudice against entities that are visibly spatially
discontinuous – a prejudice built, perhaps, even into the basic functioning of
our visual system.[7] Analogizing to racism, sexism, and
speciesism, let’s call such prejudice contiguism.
You might think that so-called
contiguism is always justified and thus undeserving of a pejorative label. You might think, for example, that spatial
contiguity is a necessary condition of objecthood or entityhood, so that it
makes no more sense to speak of a spatially discontinuous entity than it makes
sense – unless you adopt some liberal views about ontology[8] –
to speak of an entity composed of your left shoe, the Eiffel Tower, and the
rings of Saturn. If you’ll excuse me for
saying so, that attitude is foolish provincialism. Let me introduce you to two of my favorite
non-Earthly species.
The
Sirian supersquids. In
the oceans of a planet around Sirius lives a naturally-evolved animal with a
central head and a thousand tentacles.
It’s a very smart animal – as smart, as linguistic, as artistic and
creative as human beings are, though the superficial forms of its language and
art differ from ours. Let’s call these
animals “supersquids”.
The supersquid’s brain is not centrally
located like our own. Rather, the
supersquid brain is distributed mostly among nodes in its thousand tentacles,
while its head houses digestive and reproductive organs and the like. Despite the spatial distribution of its
cognitive processes across its body, however, the supersquid’s cognition is
fully integrated, and supersquids report having a single, unified stream of
experience. Part of what enables their
cognitive and phenomenal integration is this: Rather than having relatively
slow electrochemical nerves, supersquid nerves are reflective capillaries
carrying light signals, something like Earthly fiber optics. The speed of these signals ensures the tight
temporal synchrony of the cognitive activity shooting among its tentacular
nodes.
The supersquids show all external signs
of consciousness. They have covertly
visited Earth, and one is a linguist who has mastered English well enough to ace
the Turing test (Turing 1950): He can be, when he wants to, indistinguishable
in verbal behavior from a normal adult human being. Like us, the supersquids have communities of
philosophers and psychologists who write eloquently about the metaphysics of
consciousness, about emotional phenomenology, about their imagery and dreams. Any unbiased alien observer looking at Earth
and looking at the supersquid home planet would see no good grounds for
ascribing consciousness to us but not them.
Some supersquid philosophers doubt that Earthly beings are genuinely
phenomenally conscious, given our radically different physiological structure
(“What? Chemical nerves? How
protozoan!”). However, I’m glad to
report that only a small minority holds that view.
Here’s another interesting feature of
supersquids: They can detach their limbs.
To be detachable, a supersquid limb must be able to maintain homeostasis
briefly on its own and suitable light-signal transceivers must appear on the
surface of the limb and on the bodily surface to which the limb is normally
attached. Once the squids began down
this evolutionary path, selective advantages nudged them farther along,
revolutionizing their hunting and foraging.
Two major subsequent adaptations were these: First, the nerve signals
between the head and limb-surface transceivers shifted to wavelengths less
readily degraded by water and obstacles.
Second, the limb-surface transceivers developed the ability to communicate
directly among themselves without needing to pass signals through the central
head. Since the speed of light is
negligible, supersquids can now detach arbitrarily limbs and send them roving
widely across the sea with hardly any disruption of their cognitive
processing. The energetic costs are
high, but they supplement their diet and use technological aids.
In this limb-roving condition, the
supersquids’ limbs are not wandering independently under local limb-only
control, then reporting back. Limb-roving
squids remain as cognitively integrated as do non-roving squids and as
intimately in control of their entire spatially-distributed selves. Despite all the spatial intermixing of their
limbs with those of other supersquids, each individual’s cognitive processes
remain private because each squid’s transceivers employ a distinctive signature
wavelength. If a limb is lost, a new limb
can be artificially grown and fitted, though losing too many limbs at once can
substantially impair memory and cognitive function. The supersquids have begun to experiment with
limb exchange and cross-compatible transceiver signals. This has led them toward radically Parfitian
views of personal identity, and they are re-envisioning the possibilities of
marriage, team sports, and scientific collaboration.[9]
I hope you’ll agree with me, and with
the universal opinion of supersquids, that supersquids are coherent
entities. Despite their spatial
discontinuity, they aren’t mere collections.
They are integrated systems that can be treated as beings of the sort
that might house consciousness. And if
they might, they do. Or so you should
probably say if you’re a mainline philosophical materialist. After all, supersquids are naturally evolved
beings that act and speak and write and philosophize just like we do.
Does it matter that this is only science
fiction? I hope you’ll agree that
supersquids, or entities relevantly similar, are at least physically possible. And if
such entities are physically possible, and if the universe is as large as most
cosmologists currently think it is – maybe even infinite, maybe even one among
an infinite number of infinite universes![10] –
then it might not be a bad bet that some such spatially distributed
intelligences are actual. Biology can be
provincial, maybe, but not metaphysics; you’d better have room in your
metaphysics for supersquids.
The
Antarean antheads.
On the surface of a planet around Antares lives a species of animals who
look like woolly mammoths but who act much like human beings. I have gazed into my crystal ball and this is
what I see: Tomorrow, they visit Earth.
They watch our television shows, learn our language, and politely ask to
tour our lands. It turns out that they
are sanitary, friendly, excellent conversationalists, and well supplied with
rare metals for trade, so they are welcomed across the globe. They are quirky in a few ways, however. For example, their cognitive activity takes
them on average ten times longer to execute.
This has no overall effect on their intelligence, but it does test the
patience of conversation partners unaccustomed to the Antareans’ slow
pace. They also find some tasks easy
that we find difficult and vice versa.
They are baffled and amused by our trouble with simple logic problems
like the Wason Selection Task (Wason 1968) and tensor calculus, but they are
impressed by our skill in integrating auditory and visual information.
Over time, some Antareans migrate
permanently down from their orbiting ship.
Patchy accommodations are made for their size and speed, and they start
to attend our schools and join our corporations. Some achieve political office and display
approximately the normal human range of vices.
Although Antareans don’t reproduce by coitus, they find some forms of
physical contact arousing and have broadly human attitudes toward
pair-bonding. Marriage equality is
achieved. What a model of interplanetary
harmony! Ordinary non-philosophers all
agree, of course, that Antareans are conscious.
Here’s why I call them “antheads”: Their
heads and humps contain not neurons but rather ten million squirming insects,
each a fraction of a millimeter across.
Each insect has a complete set of minute sensory organs and a nervous
system of its own, and the antheads’ behavior arises from complex patterns of
interaction among these individually dumb insects. These mammoth creatures are much-evolved
descendants of Antarean ant colonies that evolved in symbiosis with a brainless,
living hive. The interior insects’
interactions are so informationally efficient that neighboring insects can
respond differentially to the behavioral or chemical effects of other insects’
individual outgoing efferent nerve impulses.
The individual ants vary in size, structure, sensa, and mobility. Specialist ants have various affinities,
antagonisms, and predilections, but no ant individually approaches human
intelligence. No individual ant, for
example, has an inkling of Shakespeare despite the Antareans’ great
appreciation of Shakespeare’s work.
There seems to be no reason in principle
that such an entity couldn’t execute any computational function that a human
brain could execute or satisfy any high-level functional description that the
human organism could satisfy. All the
creativity of literary interpretation, all the cleverness of humor and
weirdness of visual art, should be available to the antheads on standard
materialist approaches to cognition.
Maybe there are little spatial gaps
between the ants. Does it matter? Maybe, in the privacy of their homes, the
ants sometimes disperse from the body, exiting and entering through the mouth. Does it matter? Maybe if the exterior body is too severely
injured, the ants recruit a new body from nutrient tanks – and when they march
off to do this, they retain some cognitive coordination, able to remember and
report thoughts they had mid-transfer.
They reconvene and say, “Oh it’s such a free and airy feeling to be
without a body! And yet it’s a fearful
thing too. It’s good to feel again the
power of limbs and mouth. May this new
body last long and well. Shall we dance,
then, love?”
We humans are not so different perhaps. In one
perspective (e.g., Maynard Smith and Szathmáry 1995) we ourselves are but
symbiotic aggregates of simpler organisms that invested in cooperation.
2. Anti-Nesting Principles.
You might object to the Antarean
antheads even if you’re okay with the Sirian supersquids. You might think that the individual ants
would or could be individually conscious and that it’s impossible for one
conscious organism to be constituted by other conscious organisms. Some theoreticians of consciousness have said
such things – though I’ve never seen a good justification of this view.
Hilary Putnam (1965), for example,
simply stipulates: No organism capable of feeling pain possesses a
decomposition into parts which are separately capable of feeling pain. Putnam offers no argument for this
stipulation apart from the fact that he wants to rule out the apparently absurd
possibility of “swarms of bees as single pain-feelers” (p. 163). Putnam doesn’t explain why this possibility
is absurd for actual swarms of bees, much less why no possible future
evolutionary development of a swarm of conscious bees could ever also be a
single pain-feeler. It seems a
danglingly unjustified exception to his otherwise clean functionalism.
Giulio Tononi (2012; Oizumi, Albantakis,
and Tononi 2014) also advances an anti-nesting principle. On Tononi’s theory of consciousness,
consciousness arises whenever information is integrated; and whenever one
informationally integrated system is nested in another, consciousness occurs
only at the level of organization that integrates the most information – what Tononi calls the “exclusion postulate”. Tononi defends the exclusion postulate by
appeal to Occam’s razor, with intuitive support from the apparent absurdity of
supposing that group consciousness could emerge from two people talking.[11] But it’s unclear why Tononi should put any
weight on intuitive resistance to group consciousness, given his near
panpsychism: He defends the idea that a photodiode or an OR-gate could have a
single bit’s worth of consciousness. Why
not some such low-level consciousness from the group, too? And Occam’s razor is a tricky implement. Although admitting the existence of
unnecessary entities seems like a bad idea, what’s an “entity” and what’s
“unnecessary” is often unclear, especially in part-whole cases. Is a hydrogen atom unnecessary once one
admits the proton and electron into one’s ontology? What makes it necessary, or not, to admit the
existence of consciousness in the first place?
It’s obscure why the necessity of admitting consciousness to Antarean
antheads should depend on whether it’s also necessary to admit consciousness among
the individual ants.
Anti-nesting principles, though
seemingly designed to avoid counterintuitive implications of group
consciousness, bring different counterintuitive consequences in their
train. As Ned Block (1978/2007) argues
against Putnam, such principles appear to have the unintuitive consequence that
if ultra-tiny conscious organisms were somehow to become incorporated into your
brain – perhaps, for reasons unknown to you, each choosing to play the role of
one neuron or one part of one neuron – you would be rendered nonconscious,
despite the fact that all your behavior, including self-reports of
consciousness, might remain the same.
Tononi’s principle also seems to imply that if there were a large enough
election, organized the right way with enough different ballot measures, the
resulting polity-level informational integration would eclipse the
informational integration of the main conscious stream in the human brain, and
thus the individual voters would all lose consciousness. Furthermore, since “greater than” is a
dichotomous property and not a matter of degree, there ought on Tononi’s view
to be an exact point at which polity-level integration causes human level consciousness
suddenly to vanish (see esp. Tononi 2010, note 9, and Tononi and Koch 2014, note
xii). There ought to be a point at which
the addition of a single voter would cause the loss of consciousness in all individual
voters – even without any detectable behavioral or self-report effects, or any
loss of integration, at the level of individual voters. It seems odd to suppose that so much, and
simultaneously so little, could turn on the discovery of a single mail-in
ballot.[12]
3. Dumbing Down and Smarting Up.
If you’re a materialist, you probably
think that rabbits are phenomenally conscious – that is, that “there’s
something it’s like to be” a rabbit, that rabbits experience pain, have visual
experiences, and maybe have feelings like fear.
Some philosophers would deny rabbit consciousness; more on that
later. For purposes of this section,
I’ll assume you’re on board. And if you
accept rabbit consciousness, you probably ought also to accept the possibility
of consciousness in the Sirian and Antarean equivalents of rabbits.
One such species is the Sirian
squidbits, a species with cognitive processing distributed among detachable
limbs but with approximately the intelligence of Earthly rabbits. When chased by predators, the squidbits will
sometimes eject their thousand limbs in different directions and hide their
central heads. Most Sirians regard
squidbits as conscious entities; whatever reasoning justifies attributing
consciousness to Earthly rabbits similarly justifies attributing consciousness
to Sirian squidbits. An analogous story
also holds on Antares.
Let me tie Sirius, Antares, and Earth a bit
more tightly together. As the squidbit
continues to evolve, its central body becomes smaller and smaller – thus easier
to hide – and the limbs develop more independent homeostatic and nutritional
capacities, until the primary function of the central body is just reproduction
of these increasingly independent limbs.
Earthly entomologists come to refer to these central bodies as
“queens”. Still later, squidbits enter
into symbiotic relationship with brainless but mobile hives, and the thousand
bits learn to hide within for safety.
These mobile hives look something like woolly mammoths. Where is the sharp, principled line between
group and individual?
We can increase the size of the
Antareans and the intelligence of the ants.
Maybe Antareans are the size of houses and filled with naked mole
rats. This wouldn’t seem to affect the
argument. Maybe the ants or rats can
even have human levels of intelligence, while the Antareans’ behavior still
emerges in roughly the same way from the system as a whole. Again, this wouldn’t seem to affect the
argument.
The present view might seem to conflict
with “type-materialist” views that equate human consciousness with specific
biological processes.[13] I don’t think it does conflict, however. Most type-materialist accounts allow that
weird alien species might have conscious experiences. Maybe the phenomenal experience of feeling
pain, for example, is identical to different types of physical states in
different species. Or maybe the
phenomenal type pain really requires
Earthly neurons but Antareans have conscious experiences of schmain, which feels very different but
plays a broadly similar functional role.
Or maybe radically different low-level physical structures (neurons vs.
light signals vs. squirming bugs) can count as physically type-identical at a
coarse or abstract level of description, if they play similar enough roles in
undergirding the behavioral patterns.
4. A Telescopic View of the United
States.
A planet-sized alien who squints might
see the United States as a single diffuse entity consuming bananas and
automobiles, wiring up communications systems, touching the moon, and
regulating its smoggy exhalations – an entity that can be evaluated for the
presence or absence of consciousness.
You might say: The United States is not
a biological organism. It doesn’t have a
life cycle. It doesn’t reproduce. It’s not biologically integrated and
homeostatic. Therefore, it’s just not
the right type of thing to be
conscious.
To this concern I have two replies.
First, why should consciousness require
being an organism in the biological sense?
Properly-designed androids, brains in vats, gods – these things might
not be organisms in the biological sense and yet are sometimes thought to have
consciousness. (I’m assuming
materialism, but some materialists believe in actual or possible gods.) Having a distinctive mode of reproduction is
often thought to be a central, defining feature of organisms (e.g., Wilson 2005;
Godfrey-Smith 2009, 2013), but it’s unclear why reproduction should matter to
consciousness. Human beings might vastly
extend their lives and cease reproduction, or they might conceivably transform
themselves through technology so that any specific condition on having a
biological life cycle is dispensed with, while our brains and behavior remain
largely the same. Would we no longer be
conscious? Being composed of cells and
organs that share genetic material might also be characteristic of an organism,
but as with reproduction it’s unclear what would justify regarding such
composition as essential to mentality, especially once we consider a variety of
physically possible non-Earthly creatures.
Second, it’s not clear that nations
aren’t biological organisms. The United
States is (after all) composed of
cells and organs that share genetic material, to the extent it is composed of
people who are composed of cells and organs and who share genetic
material. The United States also
maintains homeostasis. Farmers grow
crops to feed non-farmers, and these nutritional resources are distributed with
the help of other people via a network of roads. Groups of people organized as import
companies bring in food from the outside environment. Medical specialists help maintain the health
of their compatriots. Soldiers defend
against potential threats. Teachers
educate future generations. Home
builders, textile manufacturers, telephone companies, mail carriers, rubbish
haulers, bankers, police, all contribute to the stable well-being of the organism. Politicians and bureaucrats work top-down to
ensure that certain actions are coordinated, while other types of coordination
emerge spontaneously from the bottom up, just as in ordinary animals. Viewed telescopically, the United States is a
pretty awesome animal.[14] Now some parts of the United States also are
individually sophisticated and awesome, but that subtracts nothing from the
awesomeness of the U.S. as a whole – no more than we should be less awed by
human biology as we discover increasing evidence of our dependence on
microscopic symbionts.
Nations also reproduce – not sexually
but by fission. The United States and
several other countries are fission products of Great Britain. In the 1860s, the United States almost
fissioned again. And fissioning nations
retain traits of the parent that influence the fitness of future fission
products – intergenerationally stable developmental resources, if you
will. As in cellular fission, there’s a
process by which subparts align into different sides and then separate
physically and functionally.
On Earth, at all levels, from the
molecular to the neural to the societal, there’s a vast array of competitive
and cooperative pressures; at all levels, there’s a wide range of actual and
possible modes of reproduction, direct and indirect; and all levels show
manifold forms of symbiosis, parasitism, partial integration, agonism, and
antagonism. There isn’t as radical a
difference in kind as people are inclined to think between our favorite level
of organization and higher and lower levels.[15]
5. What Is So Special About Brains?
According to materialism, what’s really
special about us is our brains. Brains
are what make us conscious. Maybe brains
have this power on their own, so that even a lone brain in an otherwise empty
universe would have conscious experience if it were structured in the right
way; or maybe consciousness arises not strictly from the brain itself but
rather from a thoroughly entangled mix of brain, body, and environment.[16] But all materialists agree: Brains are
central to the story.
Now what is so special about brains, on
the materialist view? Why do they give
rise to conscious experience while a similar mix of chemical elements in
chicken soup does not? It must be something
about how those elements are organized.
Two general features of brain organization stand out: their complex high
order / low entropy information processing, and their role in coordinating
sophisticated responsiveness to environmental stimuli. These two features are of course
related. Brains also arise from an
evolutionary and developmental history, within an environmental context, which might
play a constitutive (and not merely a causal) role in determining function and
cognitive content.[17] According to a broad class of plausible
materialist views, any system with sophisticated enough information processing
and environmental responsiveness, and perhaps the right kind of historical and
environmental embedding, should have conscious experience. My central claim is: The United States seems
to have what it takes, if standard materialist criteria are straightforwardly
applied without post-hoc noodling. It is
mainly unjustified morphological prejudice that blinds us to this.
Consider, first, the sheer quantity of
information transfer among members of the United States. The human brain contains about 1011
neurons exchanging information through an average of about 103
connections per neuron, firing at peak rates of about once every several
milliseconds. The United States, in
comparison, contains only about 3 x 108 people. But those people exchange a lot of
information. How much? We might begin by considering how much
information flows from one person to another via stimulation of the
retina. The human eye contains about 108
photoreceptor cells. Most people in the
United States spend most of their time in visual environments that are largely
created by the actions of people (including their own past selves). If we count even 1/300 of this visual neuronal
stimulation as the relevant sort of person-to-person information exchange, then
the quantity of visual connectedness among people is similar to the neuronal
connectedness within the human brain (1014 connections). Very little of the exchanged information will
make it past attentional filters for further processing, but analogous
considerations apply to information exchange among neurons. Or here’s another way to think about the
issue: If at any time 1/300th of the U.S. population is viewing internet video
at 1 megabit per second, that’s a transfer rate between people of 1012
bits per second in this one minor activity alone.[18] Furthermore, it seems unlikely that conscious
experience requires achieving the degree of informational connectedness of the
entire neuronal structure of the human brain.
If mice are conscious, they manage it with under 108 neurons.
A more likely source of concern, it
seems to me, is that information exchange among members of the U.S. population
isn’t of the right type to engender a
genuine stream of conscious experience.
A simple computer download, even if it somehow managed to involve 1017
bits per second or more, presumably wouldn’t by itself alone do the job. For consciousness, there presumably needs to
be some organization of the information in the service of coordinated,
goal-directed responsiveness; and maybe, too, there needs to be some sort of
sophisticated self-monitoring.
But the United States has these
properties too. Our information exchange
is not in the form of a simply-structured massive internet download. The United States is a goal-directed entity,
flexibly self-protecting and self-preserving.
The United States responds, intelligently or semi-intelligently, to
opportunities and threats – not less intelligently, I think, than a small
mammal. The United States expanded west
as its population grew, developing mines and farmland in traditionally Native
American territory. When Al Qaeda struck
New York, the United States responded in a variety of ways, formally and
informally, in many branches and levels of government and in the populace as a
whole. Saddam Hussein shook his sword
and the United States invaded Iraq. The
U.S. acts in part through its army, and the army’s movements involve perceptual
or quasi-perceptual responses to inputs: The army moves around the mountain,
doesn’t crash into it. Similarly, the
spy networks of the CIA detected the location of Osama bin Laden, whom the U.S.
then killed. The United States monitors
space for asteroids that might threaten Earth.
Is there less information, less coordination, less intelligence than in
a hamster? The Pentagon monitors the
actions of the Army, and its own actions.
The Census Bureau counts us. The
State Department announces the U.S. position on foreign affairs. The Congress passes a resolution declaring
that we hate tyranny and love apple pie.
This is self-representation.
Isn’t it? The United States is
also a social entity, communicating with other entities of its type. It wars against Germany then reconciles then
wars again. It threatens and monitors
Iran. It cooperates with other nations
in threatening and monitoring Iran. As
in other linguistic entities, some of its internal states are well known and
straightforwardly reportable to others (who just won the Presidential election,
the approximate unemployment rate) while others are not (how many foreign spies
have infiltrated the CIA, the reason Elvis Presley sells more albums than Ella
Fitzgerald).
One might think that for an entity to
have real, intrinsic representational content, meaningful utterances, and
intentionality, it must be richly historically embedded in the right kind of
environment. Lightning strikes a swamp
and “Swampman” congeals randomly by freak quantum chance. Swampman might utter sounds that we would be
disposed to interpret as meaning “Wow, this swamp is humid!”, but if he has no
learning history or evolutionary history, some have argued, this utterance
would have no more meaning than a freak occurrence of the same sounds by a
random perturbance of air.[19] But I see no grounds for objection here. The United States is no Swampman. The United States has long been embedded in a
natural and social environment, richly causally connected to the world beyond –
connected in a way that would seem to give meaning to its representations and
functions to its parts.[20]
I am asking you to think of the United
States as a planet-sized alien might, that is, to evaluate the behaviors and
capacities of the United States as a concrete, spatially distributed entity
with people as some or all of its parts, an entity within which individual
people play roles somewhat analogous to the role that individual cells play in
your body. If you are willing to
jettison contiguism and other morphological prejudices, this is not, I think,
an intolerably weird perspective. As a
house for consciousness, a rabbit brain is not clearly more sophisticated. I leave it open whether we include objects
like roads and computers as part of the body of the U.S. or instead as part of
its environment.
Readers familiar with the social
philosophy literature on group attitudes (e.g., Gilbert 1989; Clark 1994; Bratman
1999; Rupert 2005; Tuomela 2007; Searle 2010; List and Pettit 2011; Huebner 2013)
or crowd psychology (e.g., Le Bon 1895/1995; Canetti 1960/1962; Tarrow
1994/2011) will see connections to the issues discussed there. For example, if one accepts a realist view of
group attitudes or crowd psychology and
one also accepts certain further assumptions about the connections between
attitudes at the group level and literal phenomenal consciousness at the group
level, then the literal phenomenal consciousness of group minds would
follow. However, as far as I am aware no
major contributor to the scientific work on group psychology or to the recent
literature in social philosophy explicitly endorses such a view. Or one might think that the present argument
turns on accepting an “anti-reductionist” view about group attitudes of the
sort recently discussed in social philosophy, and then pushing this
anti-reductionism farther. However, that
is not so. To see why, consider the
philosophy of mind literature on individual human beings. Many philosophers in this literature hold
that phenomenal consciousness is at least in principle reducible to something
else (e.g., brain states), or that it has no essential causal-explanatory role
that couldn’t in principle be filled equally well or better by something else; but
few conclude that such reducibility would entail the non-existence of
phenomenal consciousness (see, e.g., Kim 1998, 2005). Similarly, the ontological or causal-explanatory
reducibility of the actions of the United States to the combined actions of
individual members of the United States can be separated from the question of
whether the United States has phenomenal consciousness.
My argument does not turn on such
disputes in the existing literature on social philosophy. Rather, my argument is this: There’s
something awesomely special about brains such that they give rise to
consciousness; and considered from a materialist perspective, the United States
seems to be awesomely special in just the same sorts of ways.
What is it about brains, as hunks of
matter, that makes them special enough to give rise to consciousness? Looking in broad strokes at the types of
things materialists tend to say in answer – things like sophisticated
information processing and flexible, goal-directed environmental
responsiveness, things like representation, self-representation,
multiply-ordered layers of self-monitoring and information-seeking
self-regulation, rich functional roles, and a content-giving historical
embeddedness – it seems like the United States has all those same
features. In fact, it seems to have them
in a greater degree than do some beings, like rabbits, that we ordinarily
regard as conscious.
What could be missing?
6. What Could Be Missing.
In this section, I would have liked to
apply particular, detailed materialist metaphysical theories to the question at
hand. Unfortunately, I face four
obstacles, in combination nearly insurmountable. First: Few materialist theoreticians
explicitly consider the possibility of literal group consciousness.[21] Thus, it is a matter of speculation how
properly to apply their theory to a case that might have been overlooked in the
theory’s design and presentation. Second: Many theories, especially those
constructed by neuroscientists and psychologists, implicitly or explicitly
limit themselves to human or at most
vertebrate consciousness, and thus are silent about how consciousness would
work in other sorts of entities (e.g., Baars 1988; Crick 1994). Third: Further limiting the pool of relevant
theories is the fact that few thinkers really engage the metaphysics from top
to bottom. For example, most
theoreticians advocating “higher order” models of consciousness don’t provide
sufficient detail on the nature of “lower order” mental states for me to
evaluate whether the United States would qualify as having such lower-order
states (though if it does, it would probably have higher-order states too).[22] Fourth: When I did arrive at what I thought
would be a representative sample of four prominent, metaphysically ambitious,
top-to-bottom theories of consciousness, it proved rather complex to assess how
each view applied to the case of the U.S. – too complex to embed in an already long
essay.[23] Thus, I think further progress on this issue
will require having some specific counterproposals to evaluate. In this section, I will address four
objections, one inferred from remarks by Andy Clark on the extended mind
hypothesis and three derived from personal correspondence with prominent
philosophers of mind. In the next
section, I will explore three other ways of escaping my conclusion – ways that
involve rejecting either rabbit consciousness, alien consciousness, or both.
Objection:
high-bandwidth neural synchrony. Andy Clark (2009) has recently argued that
consciousness requires high bandwidth neural synchrony – a type of synchrony
that is not currently possible between the external environment and structures
interior to the human brain. Thus, he
says, consciousness stays in the head. Now
in the human case, and generally for Earthly animals with central nervous systems,
maybe Clark is right – and maybe such Earthly animals are all he really has in
view. But we can consider elevating this
principle to a necessity. The
information integration of the brain is arguably qualitatively different in
this way from the informational integration of the United States. If consciousness, in general, as a matter of
physics or metaphysics, requires massive, swift parallelism, then maybe we can
get mammal consciousness without U.S. consciousness.
But this move has a steep price, if we
are concerned, as the ambitious materialist should be, about hypothetical and
alien cases. Suppose we were to discover
that some people, though outwardly very similar to us, or some alien species,
operated via incredibly swift serial processing rather than by parallel processing. Would we really be justified in thinking they
had no conscious experience? Or what if
we were to discover a species of long-lived, planet-sized aliens whose cognitive
subprocesses, though operating in parallel, proceeded much more slowly than
ours, with transfer delays on the order of hours rather than milliseconds? If we’re going to adopt the same liberal
spirit that admits consciousness in Sirian supersquids and Antarean antheads –
the most natural development of the materialist view, I’m inclined to think –
it seems that we can’t insist on high-bandwidth neural synchrony. To justify adopting a more conservative view
that requires some particular architecture, it seems we need some principled
motivation for excluding from consciousness any hypothetical being that lacks
that architecture, however similar to us that entity is in its outward
behavior. No such motivation suggests
itself here.
Analogous considerations will likely trouble
most other attempts to exclude U.S. consciousness on broad architectural
grounds of this sort.
Dretske’s
objection. Fred
Dretske, in correspondence, has suggested that the United States could not be
conscious because its representational states depend on the conscious states of
others. Such dependence, he says,
renders its representations conventional
rather than natural – and a conscious
entity must have natural representations.[24]
In earlier work, Dretske (1995)
highlights the implausibility of supposing that an object that has no intrinsic
representational functions can become conscious simply because outside users
impose representational functions upon it.
We don’t make a mercury column conscious by calling it a thermometer,
nor do we make a machine conscious by calling it a robot and interpreting its
outputs as speech acts. The machine
either is or is not conscious, it seems, independently of our intentions and
labels. A wide range of materialists, I
suspect, will and should accept that an entity cannot be conscious if all its
representations depend in this way on external agents. Focusing on such cases, Dretske’s
independency criterion seems appealing.
But the citizens and residents of the
United States are parts of the U.S. rather than external agents, and it’s not
clear that the dependency of consciousness on the intentions and purposes of internal agents is problematic in the
same way, if the internal agents’ behavior is properly integrated with the
whole. The internal and external cases,
at least, are sufficiently dissimilar that before accepting Dretske’s principle
in general form we should at least consider some potential internal-agent cases. The Antarean antheads seem to be just such a
case, and I’ve suggested that the most natural materialist position is to allow
that they are conscious. Furthermore,
although Dretske’s criterion is not exactly an anti-nesting principle in the
sense of Section 2, it is subject to the same concerns. In its broad form it seems unmotivated,
except by a desire to exclude the very cases in dispute, and it brings new
counterintuitive consequences in its train, such as loss of consciousness upon
inhaling Planck-scale people whose actions are smoothly incorporated into one’s
brain functions. On Dretske’s proposed
principle, as on the anti-nesting principles of Section 2, entities that behave
identically on a large scale and have superficially similar evolutionary and
developmental histories might either have or lack consciousness depending on
micro-level differences that are seemingly unreportable (to them),
unintrospectible (to them), unrelated to what they say about Proust, and thus,
it seems natural to suppose, irrelevant.
Dretske conceives his criterion as
dividing “natural” representations from “conventional” or artificial ones. Maybe it is reasonable to insist that a
conscious being have natural representations.
But from a telescopic perspective national groups and their
representational activities are
eminently natural – as natural as the structures and activities of groups of
cells clustered into spatially contiguous individual organisms. What should matter on a broadly Dretskean
approach, I’m inclined to think, is that the representational functions emerge
naturally from within rather than being imposed artificially from outside, and
that they are properly ascribed to the whole entity rather than only to a
subpart. Both Antarean opinions about
Shakespeare and the official U.S. position on Iran’s nuclear program appears to
meet these criteria.
Dennett’s
objection. Daniel
Dennett, in correspondence, offers a pragmatic objection: To the extent the
United States is radically unlike individual human beings, it’s unhelpful to
ascribe consciousness to it. Its
behavior is impoverished compared to ours and its functional architecture
radically unlike our own. Ascribing
consciousness to the United States is not so much straightforwardly false,
Dennett suggests, as it is misleading, inviting the reader to too closely
assimilate human architecture and group architecture.
To this objection I respond, first, that
the United States is not behaviorally impoverished. It does lots of things, as described in
Sections 4 and 5 above – probably more than any individual human does. (In this way it differs from the aggregate of
the U.S., Germany, and South Africa, and maybe also from the aggregate of all
of humanity.) Second, to hang the metaphysics
of consciousness on fine details of architecture runs counter to the spirit
that admits the Sirians and Antareans to the realm of beings who would
(hypothetically) be conscious. Thus it
risks collapse into neurochauvinism (Section 7 below). And third, we can presumably dodge such
practical worries about leaping to assimilative inferences by being restrained
in our inferences. We can refrain from
assuming, for example, that when the U.S. is angry its anger is felt,
phenomenologically, as anything like the anger of individual human beings; we
can even insist that “anger” is not a great word and simply the best we can do
with existing language. The U.S. can’t
feel blood rush to its head; it can’t feel tension building in its arms; it
can’t “see red”. It can muster its
armies, denounce the offender via spokespeople in Security Council meetings,
and enforce an embargo. What it feels
like, if anything, to enforce an embargo, defenders of U.S. consciousness can
wisely refrain from claiming to know.
Chalmers’s
objection. David
Chalmers, in correspondence, has suggested (without endorsing) that the United
States might lack consciousness because the complex cognitive capacities of the
United States arise largely in virtue of the complex cognitive capacities of
the people composing it and only to a small extent in virtue of the functional
relationships between the people composing it.[25] To see the pull of Chalmers’s idea, consider
an extreme example – a two-seater homunculus, such as an Antarean anthead controlled
not by ten million insects but instead by two homunculi living inside the
mammoth’s hump, in constant verbal communication. Assuming such a system’s cognitive capacities
arise almost entirely in virtue of the capacities of the two individual
homunculi, while the interaction between the homunculi serves only a secondary,
coordinating role, one might plausibly deny consciousness to the system as a
whole even while granting consciousness to systems whose processing is more
distributed, such as rabbits and ten-million-insect antheads. Perhaps the United States, then, is like a
two-seater homunculus?
Chalmers’s objection seems to depend on
something like the following principle: The complex cognitive capacities of a
conscious organism (or at least the capacities in virtue of which the organism
is conscious) must arise largely in virtue of the functional relationships between the subsystems composing it
rather than in virtue of the capacities of
its subsystems. If such a principle is
to defeat U.S. consciousness, it must be the case both that (a.) the United
States has no such complex capacities that arise largely in virtue of the functional
relationships between people and (b.) no conscious organism could have the
requisite sort of complex capacities largely in virtue of the capacities of its
subsystems. Part (a) is difficult to
assess, but being a strong, empirical negative existential, it seems a risky
bet unless we can find solid empirical grounds for it. Part (b) is even bolder. Consider a rabbit’s ability to swiftly
visually detect a snake. This complex
cognitive capacity, presumably an important contributor to rabbit visual
consciousness, might exist largely in virtue of the functional organization of the
rabbit’s visual subsystems, with the results of that processing then
communicated to the organism as a whole, precipitating further reactions. Indeed, turning part (b) almost on its head,
some models of human consciousness treat subsystem-driven processing as the
normal case: The bulk of our cognitive work is done by subsystems, who
cooperate by feeding their results into a “global workspace” or who compete for
“fame” or control (e.g., Baars 1988; Dehaene and Nacchache 2001; Dennett
2005). So grant part (a) for sake of
argument: The relevant cognitive work of United States is done largely within
individual subsystems (people or groups of people) who then communicate their
results across the entity as a whole, competing for fame and control via
complex patterns of looping feedback. At
the very abstract level of description relevant to Chalmers’s objection, such
an organization might not be so different from the actual organization of the
human mind. And it is of course much
bolder to commit to the further view, per part (b), that no conscious system
could possibly be organized in such a
subsystem-driven way. It’s hard to see
what would justify such a claim. The
two-seater homunculus is strikingly different from the rabbit or
ten-million-insect anthead because the communication is only between two sub-entities,
at a low information rate; but the U.S. is composed of about 3 x 108
sub-entities whose informational exchange is massive; so the cases are not
similar enough to justify transferring intuitions from the one to the other.
Methodological
issues. Riffling
through existing theories of consciousness, we could try to find, or we could
invent, some necessary condition for consciousness that human beings meet, that
the United States fails to meet, and that sweeps in at least some of the more
plausibly conscious non-human entities.
I would not object to treating my argument as a challenge to which
materialists might rise: Let’s find, if we can, an independently plausible
criterion that delivers this appealing conclusion! Chalmers’s suggestion, if it can be
adequately developed, might be one start.
But it’s not clear what if anything would justify taking the
non-consciousness of the United States as a fixed point in such discussions. The confident rejection of otherwise
plausible theories simply to avoid implications of U.S. consciousness would
seem only to be justified if we had excellent independent grounds for denying
U.S. consciousness, which I am arguing we do not.
Alternatively, some readers – perhaps
especially empirically-oriented readers – might suggest that my argument does
little other than display the bankruptcy of metaphysical speculation about
bizarre cases. How could we hope to build
any serious theory on science-fictional intuitions? I sympathize with this reaction too. Perhaps we should abandon any aspiration for
a truly universal metaphysics that would cover the whole range of bizarre
possibilities. The project seems so
ungrounded, so detached from our best sources of evidence about the world! But this reaction wouldn’t give us much
guidance about the question of U.S. consciousness, if we are suspicious enough
of common sense to think that our commonsensical reactions do not decisively
settle the question. Despite my
sympathies with skepticism about the metaphysics of bizarre cases, I want, and
I think it’s reasonable to want, at least a conditional assessment or best
guess about whether we are parts of a larger conscious entity, and I can see no
better way to try to reach such a tentative assessment.
7. Three Ways Out.
Let’s briefly consider three more
conservative views about the distribution of consciousness in the universe, to
see if they can provide a suitable exit from the bizarre conclusion that the
United States is literally conscious.
Eliminativism. Maybe the United States isn’t conscious
because nobody is conscious – not
you, not me, not rabbits, not aliens.
Maybe “consciousness” is such a corrupt, broken concept, embedded in
such a radically false worldview, that we should discard it entirely, as we
discarded the concepts of demonic possession, the luminiferous ether, and the
fates.
In this essay, I have tried to use the
concept of consciousness in a plain way,
unadorned with dubious commitments like irreducibility, immateriality, and
infallible self-knowledge. Maybe I have
failed, but then I hope you will permit me to rephrase: Whatever it is in
virtue of which human beings and rabbits have appropriately unadorned
quasi-consciousness or consciousness*, the United States has that same thing.
The most visible philosophical
eliminativists about terms from folk psychology still seem to have room in
their theories for consciousness, suitably stripped of dubious commitments.[26] So if you tread this path, you’re going
farther than they. In fact, Paul
Churchland (1984/1988) says several things that seem, jointly, to commit him to
accepting the idea that cities or countries would be conscious (though he
doesn’t to my knowledge explicitly draw the conclusion).[27] Galen Strawson says that denying the
existence of conscious experience is “the strangest thing that has ever
happened in the whole history of human thought” (2006, p. 5). Strawson’s remark underestimates, I suspect,
the strangeness of religion; but still, radical eliminativism seems at least as
bizarre as believing that the United States is conscious.
Extreme
sparseness. Here’s
another way out for the materialist: Argue that consciousness is rare, so that
really only very specific types of systems possess it, and then argue that the
United States doesn’t meet the restrictive criteria. If the criteria are specifically neural, this position is
neurochauvinism, which I will discuss shortly.
Setting aside neurochauvinism, the most commonly endorsed extreme
sparseness view is one which language
is required for consciousness. Thus,
dogs, wild apes, and human infants aren’t conscious. There’s nothing it’s like to be such beings,
any more than there is something it’s like (most people think) to be a diode or
a fleck of dust. To a dog, all is dark
inside, or rather, not even dark. This
view is both highly counterintuitive and, I suspect, a gross overestimation of
the gulf between us and our nearest relatives.
However, it’s not clear that we get to
exclude U.S. consciousness by requiring language for consciousness, since the
United States does seemingly speak as a collective entity, as I’ve mentioned. It linguistically threatens and self-represents,
and these threats and self-representations influence the linguistic and
non-linguistic behavior of other nations.
Neurochauvinism. A third way out is to assume that
consciousness requires neurons –
neurons clumped together in the right way, communicating by ion channels and
all that, rather than by voice and gesture.
All the entities that we have actually met and that we normally regard
as conscious do have their neurons bundled in that way, and the 3 x 1019
neurons of the United States are not as a whole bundled that way.
Examples from Ned Block (1978/2007) and
John Searle (1980, 1984) lend intuitive support to this view. Suppose we arranged the people of China into
a giant communicative network resembling the functional network instantiated by
the human brain. It would be absurd,
Block says, to regard such an entity as conscious (though see Lycan 1981). Similarly, Searle asserts that no arrangement
of beer cans, wire, and windmills, however cleverly arranged, could ever host a
genuine stream of conscious experience (though see Cuda 1985). According to Block and Searle, what these
entities are lacking isn’t a matter of large-scale functional structure revealed
in patterns of input-output relations.
Consciousness requires not that, or not only that; consciousness
requires human biology.
Or rather, consciousness, on this view,
requires something like human
biology. In what way like? Here Block and Searle aren’t very
helpful. According to Searle, “any
system capable of causing consciousness must be capable of duplicating the
causal powers of the brain” (1992, p. 92).
In principle, Searle suggests, this could be achieved by “altogether
different” physical mechanisms. But what
mechanisms could do this and what mechanisms could not, Searle makes no attempt
to adjudicate, other than by excluding certain systems, like beer-can systems,
as plainly the wrong sort of thing.
Instead, Searle gestures hopefully at future science.
The reason for not strictly insisting on
neurons, I suspect, is this: If we’re playing the common sense game – that is,
if bizarreness by the standards of current common sense is our reason for
excluding beer-can systems and organized groups of people – then we’re going to
have to allow the possibility, at least in principle, of conscious beings from
other planets who operate other than by neural systems like our own. By whatever commonsense or intuitive
standards we judge beer-can systems nonconscious, by those very same standards,
it seems, we would judge hypothetical Martians, with different internal biology
but intelligent-seeming outward behavior, to be conscious.
From a cosmological perspective, too, it
would be strange to suppose that of all the possible beings in the universe
that are capable of sophisticated, self-preserving, goal-directed environmental
responsiveness, beings that could presumably be (and in a vast enough universe
presumably actually are) constructed in myriad strange and diverse ways,
somehow only we with our neurons have genuine conscious experience, and all
else are mere automata there is nothing it is like anything to be.
If they’re to avoid un-Copernican
neuro-fetishism, the question must become, for Block and Searle, what feature of neurons, possibly also
possessed by non-neural systems, gives rise to consciousness? In other words, we are back with the question
of Section 5 – what is so special about brains? – and the only well-developed
answers on the near horizon seem to involve appeals to the sorts of features
that the United States has, features like massively complex informational
integration, functionally directed self-monitoring, and a long-standing history
of sophisticated environmental responsiveness.
8. Conclusion.
In sum, the argument is this. There seems to be no principled reason to
deny entityhood, or entityhood-enough, to spatially distributed beings if they
are well enough integrated in other ways.
By this criterion, the United States is at least a candidate for the literal possession of real psychological states,
including consciousness. If we’re
willing to entertain this perspective, the question then becomes whether it
meets plausible materialistic criteria for consciousness. My suggestion is that if those criteria are
liberal enough to include both small mammals and highly intelligent aliens,
then the United States probably does meet those criteria. Although that conclusion might seem bizarre,
even a passing glance at contemporary physics and metaphysics suggests that
common sense is no sure guide to fundamental reality.
Large things are hard to see properly
when you’re in their midst. The
homunculi in your head, the tourist in Leibniz’s mill, they don’t see
consciousness either.[28] Too vivid an appreciation of the local
mechanisms overwhelms their view. The
space between us is an airy synapse.
If the United States is conscious, is
Exxon-Mobil? Is an aircraft carrier?[29] And if such entities are conscious, do they
have rights? I don’t know. The bizarrenesses multiply, and I worry about
the moral implications.
Neither am I entirely sure whether I
have provided grounds for believing that the United States is conscious, or
instead a challenge to materialist theoreticians to develop a plausible set of
criteria for consciousness that exclude the United States, or instead reasons
to be wary of ambitions toward a universal metaphysics of mind. Perhaps to some extent all three. Elsewhere (Schwitzgebel forthcoming), I have
argued that all approaches to the metaphysics of mind that are well enough
developed to have specific commitments on issues like the distribution of consciousness
on Earth will have some implications
that are highly bizarre by folk psychological standards, and that high
confidence in any one broad class of metaphysical positions, such materialism,
is unjustified at least for the medium-term future – partly because competing
bizarrenesses, such as the bizarreness of U.S. consciousness or alternatively
the bizarreness of denying rabbit or alien consciousness, undercut the dependability
of philosophical reflection as a method for adjudicating such questions.
References:
Allen,
Colin (1995/2010). Animal
consciousness. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2011 edition).
Arico,
Adam (2010). Folk psychology,
consciousness, and context effects. Review of Philosophy and Psychology, 1,
371-393.
Averroës
(Ibn Rushd) (12th c./2009). Long commentary on the De Anima of
Aristotle, trans. R.C. Taylor. New
Haven: Yale.
Baars,
Bernard J. (1988). A cognitive theory of consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge.
Barnett,
David (2008). The simplicity intuition
and its hidden influence on philosophy of mind.
Noûs, 42, 308-335.
Barnett,
David (2010). You are simple. In The
waning of materialism, ed. R.C. Koons and G. Bealer. Oxford: Oxford.
Bettencourt,
B. Ann, Marilynn B. Brewer, Marian Rogers Croak, and Normal Miller (1992). Cooperation and the reduction of intergroup
bias: The role of reward structure and social orientation. Journal
of Experimental Social Psychology, 28, 301-319.
Block,
Ned (1978/2007). Troubles with
functionalism. In N. Block, Consciousness, function, and representation. Cambridge,
MA: MIT.
Block,
Ned (2002/2007). The harder problem of
consciousness. In N. Block, Consciousness, function, and representation. Cambridge,
MA: MIT.
Bosanquet,
Bernard (1899/1923). The philosophical theory of the state, 4th
ed. London: Macmillan.
Bratman,
Michael (1999). Faces of intention.
Cambridge: Cambridge.
Brooks,
D.H.M (1986). Group minds. Australasian
Journal of Philosophy, 64, 456-470.
Burge,
Tyler (1979). Individualism and the
mental. Midwest Studies in Philosophy, 4, 73-122.
Campbell,
Donald T. (1958). Common fate,
similarity, and other indices of the status of aggregates of persons as social
entities. Behavioral Science, 3, 14-25.
Canetti,
Elias (1960/1962). Crowds and power,
trans. C. Stewart. New York: Viking.
Carey,
Susan (2009). The origin of concepts. Oxford:
Oxford.
Carruthers,
Peter (1996). Language, thought and consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge.
Carruthers,
Peter (1998). Animal subjectivity. Psyche,
4: 3.
Carruthers,
Peter (2001/2011). Higher-order theories
of consciousness. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2011 edition).
Chalmers,
David J. (1996). The conscious mind. Oxford:
Oxford.
Chalmers,
David J. (forthcoming). The combination
problem for panpsychism.
Chomsky,
Noam (2009). The mysteries of nature:
How deeply hidden? Journal of Philosophy, 106, 167-200.
Churchland,
Patricia S. (1983). Consciousness: The
transmutation of a concept. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly, 64,
80-95.
Churchland,
Patricia S. (2002). Brain-wise. Cambridge, MA:
MIT.
Churchland,
Paul M. (1981). Eliminative materialism
and the propositional attitudes. Journal of Philosophy, 78, 67-90.
Churchland,
Paul M. (1984/1988). Matter and consciousness, rev. ed. Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Churchland,
Paul M. (1984/1988). Matter and consciousness, rev. ed. Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Clark,
Andy (2009). Spreading the joy? Why the machinery of consciousness is
(probably) still in the head. Mind, 118, 963-993.
Clark,
Austen (1994). Beliefs and desires
incorporated. Journal of Philosophy, 91, 404-425.
Crick,
Francis (1994). The astonishing hypothesis.
New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Cuda,
Tom (1985). Against neural
chauvinism. Philosophical Studies, 48, 111-127.
Davidson,
Donald (1987). Knowing one’s own mind. Proceedings and Addresses of the American
Philosophical Association, 61,
441–58.
Dehaene, Stanislas, and Lionel Naccache
(2001). Towards a cognitive neuroscience
of consciousness: Basic evidence and workspace framework. Cognition,
79, 1-37.
Dennett,
Daniel C. (1991). Consciousness explained.
Boston: Little, Brown, and Company.
Dennett,
Daniel C. (1996). Kinds of minds. New York:
BasicBooks.
Dennett,
Daniel C. (1998). Brainchildren. Cambridge,
MA: MIT.
Dennett,
Daniel C. (2005). Sweet dreams. Cambridge, MA:
MIT.
Descartes, René (1649/1991). Letter to More, 5 Feb. 1649. In The philosophical writings of Descartes, vol. 3, ed. J. Cottingham, R. Stoothoff, D. Murdoch, and A. Kenny. Cambridge: Cambridge.
Dretske,
Fred (1988). Explaining behavior.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Dretske,
Fred (1995). Naturalizing the mind.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Edelman, Shimon (2008). Computing the mind. Oxford: Oxford.
Egan, Greg (1992).
Closer. Eidelon, vol. 8. Available
at http://www.eidolon.net/old_site/issue_09/09_closr.htm
.
Elder,
Crawford (2011). Familiar objects and their shadows.
Cambridge: Cambridge.
Espinas,
Alfred (1877/1924). Des sociétés animales, 3rd ed. Paris: Félix Alcan.
Fodor, Jerry A. (1968). The appeal to tacit knowledge in
psychological explanation. Journal of Philosophy, 65, 627-640.
Frankish, Keith (2012). Quining diet qualia. Consciousness
and Cognition, 21, 667-676.
Gendler, Tamar Szabó (2008a). Alief and belief. Journal of Philosophy, 105, 634–663.
Gendler, Tamar Szabó (2008b). Alief in action, and reaction. Mind & Language, 23, 552–585.
Gilbert,
Margaret (1989). On social facts. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton.
Godfrey-Smith,
Peter (2009). Darwinian populations and natural selection. Oxford: Oxford.
Godfrey-Smith,
Peter (2013). Darwinian
individuals. In From groups to individuals, ed. F. Bouchard and P. Huneman. Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Gopnik,
Alison, and Eric Schwitzgebel (1998).
Whose concepts are they, anyway?
The role of philosophical intuition in empirical psychology. In Rethinking
intuition, ed. M.R. DePaul and W. Ramsey.
Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield.
Greene, Brian (2011). The
hidden reality. New York: Vintage.
Haslanger, Sally (2008). Changing
the ideology and culture of philosophy: Not by reason (alone). Hypatia, 23, 210-22.
Hilbert,
Martin, and Priscila López (2011). The
world’s technological capacity to store, communicate, and compute
information. Science, 332, 60-65.
Hill,
Christopher S. (1991). Sensations. Cambridge: Cambridge.
Hill,
Christopher S. (2009). Consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge.
Huebner,
Bryce (2013). Macrocognition. Oxford: Oxford
Huebner,
Bryce, Michael Bruno, and Hagop Sarkissian (2010). What does the nation of China think about
phenomenal states? Review of Philosophy and Psychology, 1, 225-243.
Hume,
David (1740/1978). A treatise of human nature, ed. L.A. Selby-Bigge and P.H.
Nidditch. Oxford: Oxford.
Hurley,
Susan (1998). Consciousness in action.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard.
Hutchins,
Edwin (1995). Cognition in the wild.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Kant,
Immanuel (1781/1787/1998). Critique of pure reason, ed. and trans.
P. Guyer and A.W. Wood. Cambridge:
Cambridge.
Kim,
Jaegwon (1998). Mind in a physical world.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Kim,
Jaegwon (2005). Physicalism, or something near enough. Princeton, NJ: Princeton.
Knobe,
Joshua, and Jesse Prinz (2008).
Intuitions about consciousness: Experimental studies. Phenomenology
and the Cognitive Sciences, 7, 67-83.
Koch,
Christof (2012). Consciousness: Confessions of a romantic reductionist. Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Korman,
Daniel (2011). Ordinary objects. Stanford
Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2011 edition).
Kornblith,
Hilary (1998). The role of intuition in
philosophical inquiry: An account with no unnatural ingredients. In Rethinking
intuition, ed. M.R. DePaul and W. Ramsey.
Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield.
Kurzweil,
Ray (2005). The singularity is near. New
York: Penguin.
Ladyman,
James, and Don Ross (2007). Every thing must go. Oxford: Oxford.
Le
Bon, Gustave (1895/1995). The crowd, ed. R.A. Nye. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.
Leibniz,
G.W. (1714/1989). The principles of
philosophy, or, the monadology. In Philosophical Essays, ed. and trans. R.
Ariew and D. Garber. Indianapolis:
Hackett.
Lewis.
David K. (1980). Mad pain and Martian
pain. In Readings in philosophy of psychology, ed. N. Block. Cambridge, MA: Harvard.
List,
Christian, and Philip Pettit (2011). Group agency. Oxford: Oxford.
Lycan,
William G. (1981). Form, function, and
feel. Journal of Philosophy, 78, 24-50.
Madden,
Rory (forthcoming). The naive topology
of the conscious subject. Noûs.
Mandik,
Pete, and Josh Weisberg (2008). Type Q
materialism. In Naturalism, reference, and ontology, ed. C.B. Wrenn. New York: Peter Lang.
Maynard
Smith, John, and Eors Szathmáry (1995). The major transitions in evolution. Oxford: Oxford.
McDougall,
William (1920). The group mind. New York:
Putnam.
McLaughlin,
Brian (2007). Type materialism for
phenomenal consciousness. In The Blackwell companion to consciousness,
ed. M. Velmans and S. Schneider. Malden,
MA: Blackwell.
Metzinger,
Thomas (2003). Being no one. Cambridge, MA:
MIT.
Millikan,
Ruth Garrett (1984). Language, thought, and other biological
categories. Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Millikan,
Ruth Garrett (2010). On knowing the
meaning: With a coda on Swampman. Mind, 119, 43-81.
Montero,
Barbara (1999). The body problem. Noûs,
33, 183-200.
Moravec,
Hans (1997). When will computer hardware
match the human brain? Available at
http://www.transhumanist.com/volume1/moravec.htm (accessed June 1, 2012).
Noë,
Alva (2004). Action in perception.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Oizumi,
Masafumi, Larrissa Albantakis, and Guilio Tononi (2014). From the phenomenology of the mechanisms of
consciousness: Integrated Information Theory 3.0. PLOS Computational Biology, 10 (5) e1003588.
Parfit,
Derek (1984). Reasons and persons. Oxford:
Oxford.
Petty, Richard E., Russell H. Fazio, and Pablo
Briñol, eds. (2009). Attitudes:
Insights from the new implicit measures. New York: Taylor and Francis.
Phelan, Mark, Adam Arico, and Shaun Nichols (2013). Thinking things and feeling
things: On an alleged discontinuity in folk metaphysics of mind. Phenomenology
& the Cognitive Sciences, 12, 703-725.
Polger,
Thomas W. (2004). Natural minds. Cambridge,
MA: MIT.
Putnam, Hilary (1965). Psychological predicates. In Art,
mind, and religion, ed. W.H. Capitan & D.D. Merrill. Liverpool: University of Pittsburgh Press / C.
Tinling.
Putnam,
Hilary (1975). Mind, language and reality.
London: Cambridge.
Rockwell,
Teed (2005). Neither brain nor ghost.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Rupert,
R. (2005). Minding one’s own cognitive system: When is a
group of minds a single cognitive unit? Episteme, 1, 177-88.
Saul,
Jennifer (2013). Implicit bias,
stereotype threat and women in philosophy.
In Women in philosophy, ed. F.
Jenkins and K. Hutichson.
Schäffle,
Albert E. F. (1896). Bau und Leben des socialen Körpers, 2nd
ed. Tübingen: Laupp’schen.
Scholl,
Brian (2007). Object persistence in
philosophy and psychology. Mind & Language, 22, 563-591.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2010). Acting contrary to our professed
beliefs, or the gulf between occurrent judgment and dispositional belief. Pacific Philosophical Quarterly, 91, 531-553.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2012a). Group minds on Ringworld. Blog post at The Splintered Mind
(http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com), October 24, 2012.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2012b). Why Dennett should think
that the United States is conscious.
Blog post at The Splintered Mind (http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com),
Feb. 9, 2012.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2012c). Why Dretske should think
that the United States is conscious.
Blog post at The Splintered Mind (http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com),
Feb. 17, 2012.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2012d). Why Humphrey should think
that the United States is conscious.
Blog post at The Splintered Mind (http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com),
Mar. 8, 2012.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2012e). Why Tononi should think
that the United States is conscious.
Blog post at The Splintered Mind (http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com),
Mar. 23, 2012.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2012f). Why Tononi should allow
that conscious entities can have conscious parts. Blog post at The Splintered Mind
(http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com), June 6, 2012.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (2014). Tononi’s exclusion
postulate would make consciousness (nearly) irrelevant. Blog post at The Splintered Mind (http://schwitzsplinters.blogspot.com),
July 16, 2014.
Schwitzgebel,
Eric (forthcoming). The crazyist
metaphysics of mind. Australasian Journal of Philosophy.
Searle,
John (1980). Minds, brains, and
programs. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 3, 417-457.
Searle,
John (1984). Minds, brains, and science.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard.
Searle,
John (1992). The rediscovery of the mind.
Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Searle,
John (2010). Making the social world.
Oxford: Oxford.
Sober,
Elliott, and David Sloan Wilson (1998). Unto others.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard.
Spelke,
Elizabeth S., Karen Breinlinger, Janet Macomber, and Kristen Jacobson
(1992). Origins of knowledge. Psychological
Review, 99, 605-632.
Stich,
Stephen (1983). From folk psychology to cognitive science. Cambridge, MA: MIT.
Stich,
Stephen (2009). Five answers. In Mind
and consciousness, ed. S. Grim. Automatic Press.
Stock,
Gregory (1993). Metaman. Toronto: Doubleday
Canada.
Stoljar,
Daniel (2010). Physicalism. Oxford:
Routledge.
Strawson,
Galen (2006). Consciousness and its place in nature. Exeter: Imprint Academic.
Strawson,
P.F. (1959). Individuals. London:
Methuen.
Sytsma,
Justin M., and Edouard Machery (2010).
Two conceptions of subjective experience. Philosophical Studies, 151, 299-327.
Tarrow,
Sidney G. (1994/2011). Power in movement, 3rd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge.
Teilhard
de Chardin, Pierre (1955/1965). The phenomenon of man, rev. English ed.,
trans. B. Wall. New York: Harper &
Row.
Tononi,
Giulio (2004). An information
integration theory of consciousness. BMC Neuroscience, 5: 42.
Tononi,
Giulio (2008). Consciousness as
integrated information: A provisional manifesto. Biological
Bulletin, 215, 216-242.
Tononi,
Giulio (2010). Information integration:
Its relevance to brain function and consciousness. Archives
Italiennes de Biologie, 148, 299-322.
Tononi,
Giulio (2012). The integrated
information theory of consciousness: An updated account. Archives
Italiennes de Biologie, 150, 290-326.
Tononi,
Giulio, and Christof Koch (2014).
Consciousness: Here, there, but not everywhere. MS from: http://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/1405/1405.7089.pdf
(accessed July 11, 2014).
Tuomela,
Raimo (2007). The philosophy of sociality.
Oxford: Oxford.
Turing,
A.M. (1950). Computing machinery and
intelligence. Mind, 59, 433-460.
Vinge,
Vernor (1992). A fire upon the deep. New
York: Tor.
Vinge,
Vernor (2011). Children of the sky. New
York: Tor.
Wason,
P.C. (1968). Reasoning about a
rule. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 20, 273-281.
Wilson,
Robert A. (2004). Boundaries of the mind.
Cambridge: Cambridge.
Wilson,
Robert A. (2005). Genes and the agents of life.
Cambridge: Cambridge.
Wittenbrink, Bernd, and Norbert Schwarz, eds. (2007). Implicit measures of attitudes. New York: Guilford.
Wundt,
Wilhelm (1897/1897). Outlines of psychology, trans. C. H.
Judd. Leipzig: Wilhelm Engelmann.
[1] For helpful
discussion of these issues in the course of writing, thanks to Rachel Achs,
Santiago Arango, Scott Bakker, Zachary Barnett, Mark Biswas, Ned Block, Dave
Chalmers, Fiery Cushman, David Daedalus, Dan Dennett, Fred Dretske, Louie
Favela, Kirk Gable, Peter Godfrey-Smith, Chris Hill, Linus Huang, Nick
Humphrey, Enoch Lambert, Janet Levin, Bill Lycan, Pete Mandik, Tori McGeer,
Luke Roelofs, Giulio Tononi, Till Vierkant, Vernor Vinge, and Rob Wilson; to
audiences at University of Cincinnati, Princeton University, Tufts University,
University of Basque Country, Consciousness Online, University of Edinburgh,
William Paterson University, and Bob Richardson’s seminar on extended
cognition; and to the many readers who posted comments on relevant posts on my
blog, The Splintered Mind.
[2] For
purposes of this essay, I’m going to assume that we know, at least roughly,
what “material stuff” is. I recognize that
this assumption might be problematic.
Discussions include Montero 1999; Chomsky 2009; Stoljar 2010.
[3] The
empirical literature on folk opinion about group consciousness is more equivocal
than I would have thought, however. See Knobe
and Prinz 2008; Sytsma and Machery 2009; Arico 2010; Huebner, Bruno, and
Sarkissian 2010; Phelan, Arico, and Nichols 2013.
Few scholars have clearly endorsed the
possibility of literal group consciousness.
On group minds without literal consciousness see Bosanquet 1899/1923; McDougall
1920; Wilson 2004; and the recent literature on collective intentionality
(e.g., Gilbert 1989; Clark 1994; Bratman 1999; Rupert 2005; Tuomela 2007;
Searle 2010; List and Pettit 2011; Huebner 2013).
For more radical views of group minds
see Espinas 1877/1924; Schäffle 1875/1896; maybe Wundt 1897/1897; maybe
Strawson 1959 (none of whom were materialists).
Perhaps the best developed group consciousness view – with some
affinities to the present view, though again not materialist – is that of
Tielhard de Chardin 1955/1965. See also
Lewis & Viharo’s “Google Consciousness”, TEDxCardiff (June 9, 2011); Vernor
Vinge’s science fiction portrayal of group minds in Vinge 1992, 2011; Averroës
(Ibn Rushd) on the active intellect, 12th c./2009; Edelman 2008, p.
432; Koch 2012, p. 131-134.
[4] I
develop this idea farther in Schwitzgebel forthcoming. Some others who doubt common sense as a guide
to metaphysics are Churchland 1981; Stich 1983; Gopnik and Schwitzgebel 1998; Kornblith
1998; Dennett 2005; Ladyman and Ross 2007; Mandik and Weisberg 2008. Hume 1740/1978 and Kant 1781/1787/1998 are
also interesting on this issue, of course.
[6] See,
for example, the essays collected in Wittenbrink
and Schwarz, eds., 2007; Petty, Fazio, and Briñol, eds., 2009. Philosophical discussions include Gendler
2008a-b; Haslanger 2008; Schwitzgebel 2010; Saul 2013.
[7] Especially
if the entity’s parts move on diverse trajectories. See, for example, Campbell 1958; Spelke,
Brelinger, Macomber, and Jacobson 1992; Scholl 2007; Carey 2009. See Barnett 2008 and Madden forthcoming for
philosophical arguments that we do not intuitively attribute consciousness to
scattered objects.
[11] See
also Barnett 2008, 2010; Madden 2012; and for comparison Godfrey-Smith 2013 on
the “exclusion principle” regarding biological organisms. Barnett, like Putnam, seems to rely simply on
an intuitive sense of absurdity (2010, p. 162).
[12] For further
discussion of Tononi’s exclusion postulate, see Schwitzgebel 2014.
[13] For a review of
“type materialism” see McLaughlin 2007.
For more detail how some of the options described in this paragraph
might play out, see Lewis 1980; Bechtel and Mundale 1999; Polger 2004; Hill
2009. Block 2002/2007 illustrates the
skeptical consequences of embracing type identity without committing to some
possibility of broadly this sort.
[14] See
Stock 1993 for a similar perspective presented in lively detail. On Godfrey-Smith’s (2013) three-dimensional
taxonomy of “Darwinian individuals”, the United States would appear to be an
intermediate case, comparable to a sponge.
[15] For a
hypothetical case that might help buttress the ideas of this section, see my
blog post “Group Minds on Ringworld” (Schwitzgebel 2012a).
[16] E.g., Hurley
1998; Noë 2004; Wilson 2004; Rockwell 2005.
[17] E.g., Putnam
1975; Burge 1979; Millikan 1984; Davidson 1987; Dretske 1988, 1995; Wilson
2004.
[18] See also
Moravec 1997; Kurzweil 2005; Hilbert and López 2011. It is probably too simplistic to
conceptualize the connectivity of the brain as though all that mattered were
neuron-to-neuron connections; but those who favor complex models of the
internal interactivity of the brain should, I think, for similar reasons, be
drawn to appreciate complex models of the interactivity of citizens and
residents of the United States.
[19] See e.g.,
Davidson 1987; Dretske 1995; Millikan 2010.
[20] In this
respect, the case of the United States is importantly different from more
artificial cases discussed in Lycan 1981 and Brooks 1986.
[21] Notable
exceptions include William G. Lycan (1981), D.H.M. Brooks (1986), Robert A.
Wilson (2004) and Bryce Huebner (2013).
Huebner, Brooks, and Lycan endorse hypothetical group consciousness
under certain counterfactual conditions (e.g., Brooks’s “Brain City” in which
people mimic the full neuronal structure of a brain), while refraining from stating
that their arguments concerning literal group consciousness extend to any group
entities that actually exist. Wilson I
am inclined to read as rejecting group consciousness on the grounds that it has
been advocated only sparsely and confusedly, with no advocate meeting a
reasonable burden of proof. Edelman
(2008) and Koch (2012) make passing but favorable remarks about group
consciousness, at least hypothetically.
Tononi and Putnam I discuss in Section 2.
[22] For a review of
higher-order theories, see Carruthers 2001/2011.
[23] The theories I
chose were Dretske’s, Dennett’s, Humphrey’s, and Tononi’s. You can see some of my preliminary efforts in
blog posts Schwitzgebel 2012b-f (compare also Koch’s sympathetic 2012 treatment
of Tononi). On the most natural
interpretations of these four test-case views, I thought that readers
sympathetic with any of these authors’ general approaches ought to accept that
the United States is conscious. And I
confess I still do think that, despite protests from Dretske, Dennett,
Humphrey, and Tononi themselves in personal communication. See the comments section of Schwitzgebel
2012d for Humphrey’s reaction, the remainder of the present section for Dretske
and Dennett, and Section 2 for Tononi.
[24] In his 1995
book, Dretske says that a representational is natural if it is not “derived
from the intentions and purposes of its designers, builders, and users” (p. 7)
rather than the more general criterion, above, of independency from
“others”. In light of our correspondence
on group consciousness, he says that he has modified this aspect of his view.
[25] Although
Chalmers is not a materialist, for the issues at hand his view invites similar
treatment. See especially his 1996 and
forthcoming.
[26] P.M. Churchland
1984/1988; P.S. Churchland 2002; Stich 2009.
Contrast skepticism about loaded versions of “consciousness” or “qualia”
in P.S. Churchland 1983; Dennett 1991; Frankish 2012.
[27] Churchland
characterizes as a living being “any semiclosed system that exploits the order
it already possesses, and the energy flux through it, in such a way as to
maintain and/or increase its internal order” (1984/1988, p. 173). By this definition, Churchland suggests,
beehives, cities, and the entire biosphere all qualify as living beings
(ibid.). Consciousness and intelligence,
Churchland further suggests, are simply sophistications of this basic pattern –
cases in which the semiclosed system exploits energy to increase the
information it contains, including information about its own internal states
and processes (1984/1988, p. 173 and 178).
[28] On the
homunculi, see e.g., Fodor 1968. Leibniz
imagines entering into an enlarged brain as into a mill in his 1714/1989.
[29] Hutchins 1995
vividly portrays distributed cognition in a military vessel. I don’t know whether he would extend his
conclusions to phenomenal consciousness, however.